Introduction to the Caesarian System
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This article presents a system for the pronunciation of Ancient Greek, called the “Caesarian System,” which is designed for readers focusing especially on works written between 150 B.C. and 150 A.D..
The Caesarian System is my Roman Period alternative to the Alexandrian System. It strives for broad applicability, and, like the Alexandrian System, achieves its breath by reconstructing the pronunciation of later readers of Classical Greek texts rather than that of early authors themselves. As such, it is appropriate for all Ancient Greek texts written before 150 A.D., and, while it may slightly distort the sounds of texts written pre-150 B.C., the distortions are the same that Romans in the late-Republican and early-Imperial periods would have experienced.
After the release of the Alexandrian System, some readers expressed interest in the system, but acknowledged that it wasn’t appropriate for their work primarily focused on Roman Period Greek texts. While reading Gignac’s (1976) Grammar of the Greek Papyri of the Roman and Byzantine Periods, I was initially struck by the many changes to the Greek vowel system. Later, however, I realized that many of the observed changes didn’t occur until around the beginning of the 2nd century AD, which led to the formulation of the majority variation proposed below. Next, I noticed that many changes happening early in Egypt were occurring post-150 AD in Athens and Asia Minor, and then I recalled the general proclivity among Roman elite for studying in Athens and Rhodes. I formulated the elite variation of the Caesarian System on the supposition that the Greek pronunciation of Caesar, Cicero, and Mark Antony might more reflect the conservative tendencies of late-Republican and early-Imperial Attic and Rhodian than might that of the average Greek.
Key Features
- An elite and a majority variant. The majority variant features a loss of quantitative vowel distinction and pitch accent and the monophthongization of αι into [ε] 1 . The elite variant maintains quantitative distinctions, pitch accent, and the diphthongal αι. Pronunciation of the rough breathing mark (῾) = [h] is optional in the majority variant.
- ει = [i] in all positions.
- The ι element of ᾳ, ῃ, and ῳ are not pronounced.
- Aspirated φ, θ, and χ, rather than the later fricative sounds of Modern Greek. See (Gignac 1976: 98).
- Fricativization of αυ and ευ to [aβ] and [εβ] (see below regarding pronunciation)
- Velarization and labialization of ν at the end of words when followed by initial velars and labials (e.g. ἐμ πόλει for ἐν πόλει)
- No need to worry about “spurious” v.s. “non-spurious” diphthongs, a distinction irrelevant after 350 B.C (Threatte 180: 299).
The Caesarian System solves some of the problems of broad applicability found with the Alexandrian System. Those working on the New Testament, Roman Period literature, and the Apostolic Fathers, for example, can use this system profitably. Those focusing on post 200 AD Church Fathers might also use the majority variant of this system, provided: (1) that they pronounce η & ῃ as [i], οι as [y], and (perhaps, see below) β as [β]; and (2) that they acknowledge that the Alexandrian Fathers would have used a more innovative pronunciation. One can read Origen and Athanasius with this modified majority system, but one will be reading them like a Roman or an Athenian rather than an Alexandrian.
The System1
| Grapheme | IPA Representation (w/ links to audio) | “As in…” (Approx.) | Notes |
| α | [a] | father | |
| β | [b] | boy | Gignac (1976: 85), “[The interchange of voiced and voiceless stops (evidence for a shift to fricatives)] is found extensively only in Egypt (cf. Mayser i2, 1, 143-7). Elsewhere, only a limited and partially conditioned interchange of voiced and voiceless stops is found in Att. and Delph. inscrr. (MS, 74-79; Rüsch, 187-8), in the Herc. papp. (Cronert, 81-85), and in Asia Minor and Rhod. inscrr. (Schweizer, 104, 106-7).” Threatte expresses skepticism of β = [β], but his argument is too detailed to reproduce here. See (1980: 442). |
| γ | [g] | gold | Gignac (1976: 85), “[The interchange of voiced and voiceless stops (evidence for a shift to fricatives)] is found extensively only in Egypt (cf. Mayser i2, 1, 143-7). Elsewhere, only a limited and partially conditioned interchange of voiced and voiceless stops is found in Att. and Delph. inscrr. (MS, 74-79; Rüsch, 187-8), in the Herc. papp. (Cronert, 81-85), and in Asia Minor and Rhod. inscrr. (Schweizer, 104, 106-7).” |
| δ | [d] | dente (Italian) | Pronounced as a laminal denti-alveolar (“dental”) Gignac (1976: 85), “[The interchange of voiced and voiceless stops (evidence for a shift to fricatives)] is found extensively only in Egypt (cf. Mayser i2, 1, 143-7). Elsewhere, only a limited and partially conditioned interchange of voiced and voiceless stops is found in Att. and Delph. inscrr. (MS, 74-79; Rüsch, 187-8), in the Herc. papp. (Cronert, 81-85), and in Asia Minor and Rhod. inscrr. (Schweizer, 104, 106-7).” |
| ε | [ε] | pet | |
| ζ | [z] | wisdom | |
| η | [eː] (elite), [e] | pet | “In the Attic inscrr., an interchange of η and ι is attested from A.D. 150 on (MS, 19-20), and η is an alternative representation of /i/ by the second cent. A.D. in Asia Minor (Schweizer, 46-47). An itacistic pronunciation is just beginning to be reflected in the Herc. papp. (Cronert, 25-26)” (Gignac (1976: 242). η merges with /i/ around 2nd century A.D (Gignac 1976: 242). Avoid pronouncing like the diphthong [eːi]. |
| θ | [th] | top (But pronounced as a dental rather than an alveolar) | Dental; aspirated, but otherwise the same as τ θ may be pronounced as the affricate [tθ], which would be both historically accurate and easier for native speakers of English to distinguish from τ. I hesitant to prescribe it only because most English speakers attempting to produce θ=[th] will probably produce the affricate anyway, and those attempting the affricative will likely produce a geminated affricate. |
| ι | [i] | bead | ῑ is pronounced the same as ει. |
| κ | [k] | tack | Unaspirated, but otherwise the same as χ. |
| λ | [l] | like | |
| μ | [m] | mead | |
| ν | [n] | net | |
| ξ | [ks] | box | Resist the urge to pronounce initial ξ as /z/ in words such as ξένος |
| ο | [o] | forense (Italian) | English speakers often erroneously pronounce this as [a]. |
| π | [p] | top | Unaspirated, but otherwise the same as φ |
| ρ | [r], [ɾ] | rojo (Spanish), caro (Spanish) | If the speaker cannot produce [r], he might reasonably substitute [ɾ] (=caro (Spanish), better (American English). |
| σ | [s], [z] (before voiced consonants) | [s] = sing; [z] = cosmos | [z] before voiced consonants, see Gignac (1976: 120-21). English speakers often pronounce s as [z] in intervocalic and final positions (e.g. Basil), which should be avoided for σ (Allen 1987: 46). |
| τ | [t] | tale (Italian) | Pronounced as a laminal denti-alveolar (“dental”) |
| υ | [y] | tu (French) | Pronounced like an English i, but with lips rounded like an English u. |
| φ | [ph] | pot | Aspirated, but otherwise the same as π. φ may be pronounced as the affricate [pφ], which would be both historically accurate and easier for native speakers of English to distinguish from π. I hesitant to prescribe it only because most English speakers attempting to produce φ=[ph] will probably produce the affricate anyway, and those attempting the affricate will likely produce a geminated affricate. |
| χ | [kh] | cat | Aspirated, but otherwise the same as κ. χ may be pronounced as the affricate [kx], which would be both historically accurate and easier for native speakers of English to distinguish from κ. I hesitant to prescribe it only because most English speakers attempting to produce φ=[kh] will probably produce the affricate anyway, and those attempting the affricate will likely produce a geminated affricative. |
| ψ | [ps] | lapse | ψ = π + σ |
| ω | [oː] (elite), [o] | Cambodia (General American English) | “The loss of quantitative distinction is reflected before the Rom. period in most of the Koine, but not until the 2nd cent. A.D. in Attic” (Gignac 1976: 325). But, “there is conclusive evidence of vowel isochrony in Attic texts of the Roman Period, especially after 100 A.D” (Threatte 1980: 385). |
| – | |||
| αι | [ai] (diphthong) (elite), [ε] | [ai] = high, [ε] = pet | αι = ε in the majority system. “This is the most frequent interchange in the papyri next to the interchange of ει and ι” (Gignac 1976: 192). “An interchange of αι and ε is found at Delphi from the second half of the 1st cent. B.C. on (Rüsch, 76-80) and in Att. inscrr. (also of αι and η) from ca. A.D. 100 on, freq. from A.D. 150 on (MS, 34)” (Gignac 1976: 192). |
| αυ | [αφ] (before unvoiced consonants) [aβ] (before vowels and voiced consonants) | [a]+[φ] (in quick succession) [a]+[β] (in quick succession) after (f pronounced bilabially) have (v pronounced bilabially) | See Gignac (1976: 226) |
| ᾱυ | [a] | father | See Gignac (1976: 188). ἑατοῦ, etc., appear in Att. inscrr. from 74 B.C. on (MS, 61, 154), and are found in Asia Minor inscrr. (Schweizer, 91-92), at Delphi (Rüsch, 136), and in the Ptol. papp. (Mayser i2, I, 98-99) (Gignac 1976: 188). See also Threatte (1980: 383). Due to the difficulty of distinguishing αυ from ᾱυ, this prescription may reasonably be ignored. |
| ευ | [εφ] (before unvoiced consonants) [εβ] (before vowels and voiced consonants) | [ε]+[φ] (in quick succession) [ε]+[β] (in quick succession) heifer (f pronounced bilabially) ever (v pronounced bilabially) | See Gignac (1976: 226) |
| ηυ | [eːu] (diphthong) | europeo (Spanish) | “[D]iphthongs in Greek cannot strictly be distinguished as ‘short’ or ‘long’; for accentual purposes they all have the same value of 2 morae (time-units), as for a long simple vowel” (Allen 1987: 85). As a consequence, while the so-called “long diphthongs” will have the same time-value as regular long vowels and diphthongs, the relative proportion of the elements will shift to roughly a 2:1 ratio. No English analogue. This should not be pronounced like the English neuter. |
| οι | [oi] (diphthong) | coin | οι = υ early in Boeotia but seems not to have become widespread until after the 2nd century A.D. “Elsewh. [outside Boeotia] the interchange of οι and υ is late. It is not found in the Herc. papp. (Crönert, 23), nor at Pergamum or Magnesia, but it is attested elsewh. in Asia Minor from the 2nd cent. A.D. on (Schweizer, 80; Nachmanson, 44-45). In the Att. inscrr., the first ex. of the interchange of οι and υ occurs betw. A.D. 238-44 (MS, 58-59). In the Ptol. papp., there are sporadic instances from the 3rd cent. B.C. on (Mayser i2, I, 89-90)” (Gignac 1976: 199). |
| υι | [y] | tu (French) | |
| ωυ | [οːu] | owe | “[D]iphthongs in Greek cannot strictly be distinguished as ‘short’ or ‘long’; for accentual purposes they all have the same value of 2 morae (time-units), as for a long simple vowel” (Allen 1987: 85). As a consequence, while the so-called “long diphthongs” will have the same time-value as regular long vowels and diphthongs, the relative proportion of the elements will shift to roughly a 2:1 ratio. |
| – | |||
| ᾳ | [a] | father | “In Att. inscrr., -ι is om. sporadically from ca. 420 B.C. on and freq. from 200-100 B.C. on, with -ι added erroneously from 200 B.C. on (MS, 67-68)” (Gignac 1976: 183). |
| ῃ | [eː] (elite), [e] | pet | “In Att. inscrr., -ι is om. sporadically from ca. 420 B.C. on and freq. from 200-100 B.C. on, with -ι added erroneously from 200 B.C. on (MS, 67-68)” (Gignac 1976: 183). |
| ῳ | [oː] (elite), [o] | Cambodia (General American English) | “In Att. inscrr., -ι is om. sporadically from ca. 420 B.C. on and freq. from 200-100 B.C. on, with -ι added erroneously from 200 B.C. on (MS, 67-68)” (Gignac 1976: 183). |
| – | |||
| ει | [i] | [iː] = beat | “In the Att. inscrr., spurious ει interchanges sporadically w. ι in vulgar language from 300 B.C. on, and both true and spurious ει interchange freq. w. ι exc. before vowels even in more elevated language from 100 B.C. on” ει is a digraph, not the diphthong [eːi]. |
| ου | [u] | ooze | |
| – | |||
| γγ | [ŋg] | angle | |
| γκ | [ŋk] | anchor | |
| γξ | [ŋks] | sphinx | |
| νχ, γχ | [ŋkh] | anchor (with aspiration) |
Other features
- νγ, νκ, νξ, νχ = γγ, γκ, γξ, γχ should apply across word-boundaries (e.g. τὸγ γραμματέα for τὸν γραμματέα) (see Allen (1987: 34).
- νβ, νπ, νφ = μβ, μπ, μφ should apply across word-boundaries (e.g. ἐμ πόλει for ἐν πόλει) (see Allen (1987:33-4).
- Those using the elite variant should preserve vowel quantity as distinctly as possible, while those using the majority variant needn’t concern themselves with. “The loss of quantitative distinction is reflected before the Rom. period in most of the Koine, but not until the 2nd cent. A.D. in Attic” (Gignac 1976, 325). See also Threatte (1980, 385).
- Those using the elite variant should preserve pitch accent to the best of their ability, emphasizing accents, if necessary, with stress, while those using the majority variant should use a stress accent. The decline of quantitative vowel distinction and pitch accentuation are decisively interconnected (Allen 1989:130).
- Those using the elite variant should continue to lightly pronounce the rough breathing mark (῾) = [h], while those using the majority variant either shouldn’t pronounce it or should do so sparingly. The rough breathing mark was probably only gently pronounced in pre-450 B.C. Attic (Threatte 1980: 494). It was “progressively lost during the period of the Koine” (Horrocks 2014: 171). Gignac (1976: 137-38) argues that it “was lost during the period of the Koine,” but doesn’t venture to say when it was lost in various locations. Allen (1989: 53) estimates that retention of initial aspiration [at least in Attica] continued until the 2nd century A.D. See also Threatte (1980: 504-6).
Bibliography
Allen, W.S. (1987) Vox Graeca, Cambridge.
Evans, D. Emrys (1918) “Notes on the Consonants in the Greek of Asia Minor” in Classical Quarterly 12, 162-70.
Gignac, Francis T. (1976) A Grammar of the Greek Papyri of the Roman and Byzantine Periods: Vol. 1 Phonology, Milan.
Horrocks, Geoffrey (2014) Greek: A History of the Language and its Speakers, Oxford.
Teodorsson, S.-T. (1974) The Phonemic System of the Attic Dialect 400-340 BC, Göteborg.
Teodorsson, S.-T. (1977) The Phonology of Ptolemaic Koine, Göteborg.
Threatte, Leslie (1980) The Grammar of Attic Inscriptions I: Phonology, Berlin.
Notes
- Brackets ([ ]) and slashes (/ /) contain information expressed using the International Phonetic Alphabet. Some audio samples – but not most – are of words containing the represented sounds, rather than the sounds themselves. Audio samples only capture appropriate quality, not quantity or aspiration.